Built to house around 10, people, its numbers swelled after the SDF and the U. Whether or not they regard it as a reprieve, Western governments now have a window within which they can make progress toward the repatriation or transfer of their nationals.
As problematic as the Iraq and Syria options seem, Western governments are likely to continue looking for some way to make one or both work for at least the near term. The DPKO should play a key role in this process, drawing on the expertise of force commanders who have substantial experience in dealing with such setting.
It would require faith that the territory on which the facility is built will not change hands in the ongoing push-pull among the SDF, Ankara and Damascus, or — should such a change occur — confidence that Western governments will be able to deal with the new actor in charge.
An internal review by the UN itself has judged mainstreaming a failure in its response to sexual violence against displaced women, citing a lack of leadership, attention, prioritization and political will among UN mission leaders. Support in return, resettlement, and non-camp situations is hampered by the fact that UNHCR — the lead agency in most of these situations — does not have the capacity, financial support, or political mandate to offer comprehensive long-term support for women outside camp settings or for returnees and resettled populations.
Host governments, countries providing peacekeeping forces, and the DPKO should establish and implement accountability provisions to end impunity for abuses within their own forces. In the face of the announced U. While officials may feel there is no politically palatable way to bring home men — most of whom were fighters, and some of whom will be difficult to imprison because of prosecutorial and evidentiary challenges — children appropriately benefit from a presumption of innocence, and women are a diverse group.
Most significantly, the U. Many women joined ISIS through misapprehension, circumstance or coercion. Participants in multifunctional teams complain that they spend all their time in coordination meetings and little time in preventing and responding to sexual violence.
Accessibility help. The ISAC should form a working group to urgently modify and expand its existing guidelines on gender-based violence interventions so as to more effectively address the special requirements faced by women during flight, in urban settings, in rural settings outside camps, and in the process of return and resettlement.
International and national security forces should be trained to provide this support, in addition to more comprehensive training in human rights and civilian protection services. Even before the Turkish incursion, security at al-Hol was precarious, leading to disruptions in service delivery and medical care in the foreigner annex, which in turn stoked anger and tension.
Programs to disseminate the guidance and train UN officials, implementing agencies, humanitarian NGOs, host governments, and affected women in its application are sporadic, inadequate and under-supported by senior officials.
The UK does not view itself as legally obliged to offer assistance to its nationals on request, but it has considered and responded to some appeals on a rare, case-by-case basis. Women and girls already in abusive situations are more exposed to increased control and restrictions by their abusers , with little or no recourse to seek support.
An internal review by the UN itself has judged mainstreaming a failure in its response to sexual violence against displaced women, citing a lack of leadership, attention, prioritization and political will among UN mission leaders. But they possess tools to distinguish high- from low-threat individuals, and they could explain to their publics the difference between on the one hand those who fought and, on the other, those who ensnared themselves at the margins of the fight, express regret, and pose no or very modest foreseeable threat.
Systematic implementation of the guidelines is even sketchier, reflecting not only a lack of knowledge and familiarity with the guidelines, but inadequate financial and personnel resources, lack of high-level attention and prioritization, weak coordination, and the absence of goals and indicators needed to hold individuals and institutions accountable.
Services needed by survivors risk being deprioritized in many settings, including shelters, health care services, police and justice sector services.